Fields of work

Normalization of relations/dialogue

NSI contributes to normalization of relations between Belgrade and Pristina

Beograd – Pristina; Photo: EPA / Valdrin Xhemaj

NSI facilitates open exchange on the Brussels dialogue and normalization process among opinion-makers from civil society from Kosovo and Serbia. Moreover, NSI provides evidence-based independent analyses and recommendations for decision-makers involved in the process.

Key Assumptions:

–   There is a need for fostering a regular in-depth dialogue between civil society actors engaged in the normalization of relations from both sides, so to be able to propose improvements to the Track I dialogue among the officials based on an in-depth understanding of internal political dynamics and sentiments on both sides and NSI is well-positioned to facilitate such dialogue.

–    NSI will represent and include diverse representatives of the Kosovo Serbs community in the dialogue between civil society actors from different sides, which will add important voices and perspectives to the process.

–   NSI is capable of delivering high quality analysis using the evidence collected through qualitative and quantitative research, and producing recommendations for which NSI is able to advocate with decision makers.

To see the projects we are implementing or have implemented in the area of Normalization of relations/Dialogue, see our Reference List.

Normalization of relations/dialogue

NSI contributes to normalization of relations between Belgrade and Pristina

Beograd – Pristina; Photo: EPA / Valdrin Xhemaj

NSI facilitates open exchange on the Brussels dialogue and normalization process among opinion-makers from civil society from Kosovo and Serbia. Moreover, NSI provides evidence-based independent analyses and recommendations for decision-makers involved in the process.

Key Assumptions:

–   There is a need for fostering a regular in-depth dialogue between civil society actors engaged in the normalization of relations from both sides, so to be able to propose improvements to the Track I dialogue among the officials based on an in-depth understanding of internal political dynamics and sentiments on both sides and NSI is well-positioned to facilitate such dialogue.

–    NSI will represent and include diverse representatives of the Kosovo Serbs community in the dialogue between civil society actors from different sides, which will add important voices and perspectives to the process.

–   NSI is capable of delivering high quality analysis using the evidence collected through qualitative and quantitative research, and producing recommendations for which NSI is able to advocate with decision makers.

To see the projects we are implementing or have implemented in the area of Normalization of relations/Dialogue, see our Reference List.

Trustbuilding and Dealing with the Past

New Social Initiative supports different approaches to Trustbuilding and Dealing with the Past initiatives among communities

NSI intents to achieve several outcomes in order to meet this goal:

– NSI will be the channel of positive stories on inter-ethnic relations and reaching wider public by offering the innovative communication tools for visual and public affairs influencers (YouTubers, Instagramers, TikTokers, Journalists, Professionals and CSOs);

– NSI will be the convener and facilitator for structured exchange of attitudes and opinions, thus supporting trust building and collaboration among CSOs speaking on behalf of different ethnic groups in Kosovo;

– NSI will harvest and spread counter-narratives and positive stories, thus creating space for exchange and dialogue by partnering with media and digital outlets across Kosovo.

Key Assumptions:

–   New innovative solutions for trust building will resonate better with citizens, especially youth, and the positive frame of the inter-ethnic relations could disrupt diminish the strength and malign influence of the negative narratives they were socialized in;

Photo: Emerging Europej

–  “Pockets of Freedom” or forums, which remove the publicity constraints, will strengthen the bonds between CSOs from different communities, thus increasing the trust between them and allowing them to establish stronger coalitions on crucial societal topics, especially those related to the inclusion of the non-majority communities;

–  Engaging different audiences with opposite narratives on the same topic will soften the rooted stereotypes about the “other” communities and address the grievances from the past, and will fertilize the ground for trust building.

To see the projects we are implementing or have implemented in the area of DwP/trust-building, see our Reference List.

Trustbuilding and Dealing with the Past

New Social Initiative supports different approaches to Trustbuilding and Dealing with the Past initiatives among communities

Photo: Emerging Europej

NSI intents to achieve several outcomes in order to meet this goal:

– NSI will be the channel of positive stories on inter-ethnic relations and reaching wider public by offering the innovative communication tools for visual and public affairs influencers (YouTubers, Instagramers, TikTokers, Journalists, Professionals and CSOs);

– NSI will be the convener and facilitator for structured exchange of attitudes and opinions, thus supporting trust building and collaboration among CSOs speaking on behalf of different ethnic groups in Kosovo;

– NSI will harvest and spread counter-narratives and positive stories, thus creating space for exchange and dialogue by partnering with media and digital outlets across Kosovo.

Key Assumptions:

–   New innovative solutions for trust building will resonate better with citizens, especially youth, and the positive frame of the inter-ethnic relations could disrupt diminish the strength and malign influence of the negative narratives they were socialized in;

–  “Pockets of Freedom” or forums, which remove the publicity constraints, will strengthen the bonds between CSOs from different communities, thus increasing the trust between them and allowing them to establish stronger coalitions on crucial societal topics, especially those related to the inclusion of the non-majority communities;

–  Engaging different audiences with opposite narratives on the same topic will soften the rooted stereotypes about the “other” communities and address the grievances from the past, and will fertilize the ground for trust building.

To see the projects we are implementing or have implemented in the area of DwP/trust-building, see our Reference List.

Citizen participation

NSI is working on increasing non-majority participation in decision making processes for the purpose of getting better services and making institutions more accountable

Source: NSI photo archive

NSI works to achieve this goal on both supply and demand side of the citizen participation: 1) on the demand side, the outcomes of our engagement are the benefits that citizens have by utilizing the mechanisms of citizens’ participation, and 2) the creation of low profile community spaces which will support resonant voices; 3) on the supply side, the outcomes of our activities will be established and improved participation mechanisms in the institutions (in mostly Kosovo Serb majority municipalities).

Key Assumptions:

–    The increased demand for the better services will boost the efficiency of the institutions and increase their accountability;

–    Resonant voices are reluctant to speak out because of the non-pluralistic nature of the political arena of the Kosovo Serb community, but their participation in closed group discussions will encourage them to speak up in the future and preserve social capital required for any collective action;

–   Kosovo Serb majority municipalities will be open for cooperation on non-controversial issues, and will accept the citizen participation mechanisms.

To see the projects we are implementing or have implemented in the area of Citizen Participation, see our Reference List.

Citizen participation

NSI is working on increasing non-majority participation in decision making processes for the purpose of getting better services and making institutions more accountable

Source: NSI photo archive

NSI works to achieve this goal on both supply and demand side of the citizen participation: 1) on the demand side, the outcomes of our engagement are the benefits that citizens have by utilizing the mechanisms of citizens’ participation, and 2) the creation of low profile community spaces which will support resonant voices; 3) on the supply side, the outcomes of our activities will be established and improved participation mechanisms in the institutions (in mostly Kosovo Serb majority municipalities).

Key Assumptions:

–    The increased demand for the better services will boost the efficiency of the institutions and increase their accountability;

–    Resonant voices are reluctant to speak out because of the non-pluralistic nature of the political arena of the Kosovo Serb community, but their participation in closed group discussions will encourage them to speak up in the future and preserve social capital required for any collective action;

–   Kosovo Serb majority municipalities will be open for cooperation on non-controversial issues, and will accept the citizen participation mechanisms.

To see the projects we are implementing or have implemented in the area of Citizen Participation, see our Reference List.

This policy brief is part of the project “Dialogue after Peace? A Gender Perspective on
Track Two Dialogues in Colombia, Kosovo, and the Philippines”, funded by the Swiss
Network for International Studies. The research inquired into women-led, informal
dialogue initiatives in these three post-agreement contexts and examined how these
contribute to sustaining and reimagining peace. Research in Kosovo was conducted
in partnership with New Social Initiative (NSI) and Artpolis, Pristina, and with Prof.
Vjollca Krasniqi of the University of Pristina. Six Focus Group Discussions and eight
individual interviews were conducted in September 2024 with a total of 40 women
participants in Pristina and North Mitrovica.

The KPDS Report 2025 summarizes key discussions and insights from the 4th Kosovo Peace and Democracy Summit, examining disinformation, democratic backsliding, and the role of dialogue and civil society in strengthening democratic resilience in the Western Balkan

Trade barriers are among the most common instruments of economic protectionism, but in politically unstable environments they become tools of political pressure. In Kosovo, this phenomenon is evident in the measures that local authorities in Pristina have introduced against goods from central Serbia. From the 100% tariffs imposed at the end of 2018 to the complete import ban in 2023, trade has been used as an instrument of political signaling rather than a neutral channel of economic exchange.1

The key problem lies in the fact that the measures directly affected the Serbian com- munity in Kosovo, which depends on a stable inflow of basic foodstuffs, medicines, and consumables. In practice, disruptions in supply chains have caused shortages, rising prices, and uncertainty in public services such as pharmacies and health cen- ters. Small shops, which form the backbone of the local economy, have faced clo- sure due to increased costs and uncertainty. These consequences are not short-term; rather, they create sustained pressure on the economic and social survival of the Ser- bian community.

This concerns thousands of citizens whose everyday lives depend on the availability of goods. If the problem is not resolved, there is a risk of irreversible consequences: the permanent loss of local trading networks, a deterioration in health due to shortag- es of medicines, and a heightened sense of isolation and insecurity. In the long term, this could weaken social cohesion and trust in any institutional processes.

The problem also goes beyond the local level. It encompasses the broader framework of regional integration (CEFTA, European processes), as well as trust in international actors mandated to oversee the implementation of agreements. If trade continues to be used as an instrument of politics, this undermines regional stability and every effort toward the normalization of relations.

This paper proceeds from the standpoint that trade must not be a means of politi- cal blackmail. It focuses on analyzing the mechanisms of the politicization of trade, identifying its economic, social, and political consequences, and formulating feasible recommendations that can provide a minimum of predictability and security for the Serbian community in Kosovo.


Lake Gazivode stands as one of the most critical yet contested resources in the West- ern Balkans. Supplying water, electricity, and ecological stability to communities in both Kosovo and Serbia, it embodies overlapping technical, political, and security dimen- sions. This paper examines the Gazivode problem as a convergence of political dead- lock, institutional ambiguity, infrastructural vulnerability, ecological fragility, and social dependence. Building on analyses by multiple sources the study maps the multi-layered challenges and evaluates possible pathways for sustainable management. Proposed solutions include short-term technical modernization under the supervision of neutral third parties, joint monitoring mechanisms that avoid the recognition trap, ecological cooperation through international platforms, scenario planning for crisis situations, and long-term, but currently aspirational, institutionalization. The paper argues that while no single solution is sufficient, combining technical improvements, ecological adaptation, and incremental confidence-building offers the best chance of transforming Gazivode from a potential flashpoint into a stabilizing resource.

This policy brief addresses a critical research question: Why is there a significant dis- parity in the participation and success rates of young Kosovo Serbs compared to their Kosovo Albanian counterparts in government-sponsored employment programs facil- itated by the Republic of Kosovo’s Employment Agency? This question is paramount for Kosovo’s social cohesion, economic stability, and the long-term integration of all its communities. As the government rolls out large-scale initiatives like ”Superpuna,” a wage-subsidy scheme for youth, and ”Qeveria për Familjet,” designed to support fam- ilies with no employed members, ensuring equitable access and outcomes for all cit- izens is not just a matter of policy effectiveness but a cornerstone of building a truly multi-ethnic and democratic state.

The issue directly affects the economic prospects and social mobility of young Serbs, a community crucial to Kosovo’s future. Failure to integrate this demographic into the formal labor market risks deepening inter-ethnic divides, fostering economic disenfran- chisement, and potentially fueling outward migration. For the government and its inter- national partners, this disparity represents a significant challenge to the stated goals of inclusive development and good governance. While existing reports have addressed youth unemployment in general,this brief focuses specifically on the structural and state-level barriers that exclude young Serbs from public programs. It argues that the lower participation and success rates among young Serbs are not arbitrary but are the result of systemic barriers. These include a lack of targeted, linguistically appropriate outreach, inequitable access to vocational training programs, and a lower level of trust in public institutions. Addressing these structural issues is essential for unlocking the full economic potential of all of Kosovo’s youth and ensuring that government employ- ment schemes achieve their intended universal impact.

The relationship between Belgrade and Pristina is still shaped by an unresolved past: the way events from 1998–1999 are remembered and interpreted is crucial for political trust and ev- eryday coexistence. Specific cases such as the events in the village of Račak (January 1999)— described by some as a massacre of civilians and by others as the outcome of an armed clash and political manipulation—remain points of deep disagreement, both in academic research and in public debates.1 Similarly, the 1999 NATO bombing holds a place of trauma and vio- lation of sovereignty in Serbian memory, while in the Albanian narrative it is often seen as a necessary protection of civilians under repression. These opposing interpretations are not confined to textbooks and archives—they spill into everyday speech and influence how young people perceive themselves, “the others,” and the possibility of cooperation.

Digital networks accelerate and amplify this dynamic. Young people in Serbia and in Koso- vo and Metohija today predominantly learn about the past through TikTok, Instagram, and YouTube, where algorithms encourage the virality of content that elicits a strong emotional response, thereby fueling echo chambers: young people are more likely to see confirmations of their existing beliefs than opposing arguments. 2 The experience of 2020 made this visible during the pandemic: conspiracy theories (from “5G networks spread the virus” to “interna- tional actors are using the crisis to subjugate the region”) spread faster than fact-checks, influencing attitudes and trust in institutions.3 This pattern—the rapid circulation of simplified, emotive, and often inaccurate narratives—maps onto topics from the 1990s as well.

Why is this a policy problem rather than merely a social phenomenon? Because digitally shaped narratives directly influence political behavior and society’s capacity for dialogue. If the online space is left to disinformation and toxic echo chambers, young people become carriers of prolonged divisions: willingness for encounter, joint projects, and trust in institu- tions decreases. Conversely, if investment is made in the digital space through media and digital literacy, moderated cross-border cooperation, and safety protocols for participants, that same space can become a training ground for learning multi-perspectivity, for co-creat- ing content, and for moving from “parallel truths” to work with facts. This policy paper starts precisely from that premise: how to empower young people—here understood as high-school students (15–18), university students (18–24), and young activists/creators (20–29)—to criti- cally distinguish facts from interpretations, and how to turn digital networks from amplifiers of polarization into infrastructure for dialogue and sustainable reconciliation.