Fields of work

Normalization of relations/dialogue

NSI contributes to normalization of relations between Belgrade and Pristina

Beograd – Pristina; Photo: EPA / Valdrin Xhemaj

NSI facilitates open exchange on the Brussels dialogue and normalization process among opinion-makers from civil society from Kosovo and Serbia. Moreover, NSI provides evidence-based independent analyses and recommendations for decision-makers involved in the process.

Key Assumptions:

–   There is a need for fostering a regular in-depth dialogue between civil society actors engaged in the normalization of relations from both sides, so to be able to propose improvements to the Track I dialogue among the officials based on an in-depth understanding of internal political dynamics and sentiments on both sides and NSI is well-positioned to facilitate such dialogue.

–    NSI will represent and include diverse representatives of the Kosovo Serbs community in the dialogue between civil society actors from different sides, which will add important voices and perspectives to the process.

–   NSI is capable of delivering high quality analysis using the evidence collected through qualitative and quantitative research, and producing recommendations for which NSI is able to advocate with decision makers.

To see the projects we are implementing or have implemented in the area of Normalization of relations/Dialogue, see our Reference List.

Normalization of relations/dialogue

NSI contributes to normalization of relations between Belgrade and Pristina

Beograd – Pristina; Photo: EPA / Valdrin Xhemaj

NSI facilitates open exchange on the Brussels dialogue and normalization process among opinion-makers from civil society from Kosovo and Serbia. Moreover, NSI provides evidence-based independent analyses and recommendations for decision-makers involved in the process.

Key Assumptions:

–   There is a need for fostering a regular in-depth dialogue between civil society actors engaged in the normalization of relations from both sides, so to be able to propose improvements to the Track I dialogue among the officials based on an in-depth understanding of internal political dynamics and sentiments on both sides and NSI is well-positioned to facilitate such dialogue.

–    NSI will represent and include diverse representatives of the Kosovo Serbs community in the dialogue between civil society actors from different sides, which will add important voices and perspectives to the process.

–   NSI is capable of delivering high quality analysis using the evidence collected through qualitative and quantitative research, and producing recommendations for which NSI is able to advocate with decision makers.

To see the projects we are implementing or have implemented in the area of Normalization of relations/Dialogue, see our Reference List.

Trustbuilding and Dealing with the Past

New Social Initiative supports different approaches to Trustbuilding and Dealing with the Past initiatives among communities

NSI intents to achieve several outcomes in order to meet this goal:

– NSI will be the channel of positive stories on inter-ethnic relations and reaching wider public by offering the innovative communication tools for visual and public affairs influencers (YouTubers, Instagramers, TikTokers, Journalists, Professionals and CSOs);

– NSI will be the convener and facilitator for structured exchange of attitudes and opinions, thus supporting trust building and collaboration among CSOs speaking on behalf of different ethnic groups in Kosovo;

– NSI will harvest and spread counter-narratives and positive stories, thus creating space for exchange and dialogue by partnering with media and digital outlets across Kosovo.

Key Assumptions:

–   New innovative solutions for trust building will resonate better with citizens, especially youth, and the positive frame of the inter-ethnic relations could disrupt diminish the strength and malign influence of the negative narratives they were socialized in;

Photo: Emerging Europej

–  “Pockets of Freedom” or forums, which remove the publicity constraints, will strengthen the bonds between CSOs from different communities, thus increasing the trust between them and allowing them to establish stronger coalitions on crucial societal topics, especially those related to the inclusion of the non-majority communities;

–  Engaging different audiences with opposite narratives on the same topic will soften the rooted stereotypes about the “other” communities and address the grievances from the past, and will fertilize the ground for trust building.

To see the projects we are implementing or have implemented in the area of DwP/trust-building, see our Reference List.

Trustbuilding and Dealing with the Past

New Social Initiative supports different approaches to Trustbuilding and Dealing with the Past initiatives among communities

Photo: Emerging Europej

NSI intents to achieve several outcomes in order to meet this goal:

– NSI will be the channel of positive stories on inter-ethnic relations and reaching wider public by offering the innovative communication tools for visual and public affairs influencers (YouTubers, Instagramers, TikTokers, Journalists, Professionals and CSOs);

– NSI will be the convener and facilitator for structured exchange of attitudes and opinions, thus supporting trust building and collaboration among CSOs speaking on behalf of different ethnic groups in Kosovo;

– NSI will harvest and spread counter-narratives and positive stories, thus creating space for exchange and dialogue by partnering with media and digital outlets across Kosovo.

Key Assumptions:

–   New innovative solutions for trust building will resonate better with citizens, especially youth, and the positive frame of the inter-ethnic relations could disrupt diminish the strength and malign influence of the negative narratives they were socialized in;

–  “Pockets of Freedom” or forums, which remove the publicity constraints, will strengthen the bonds between CSOs from different communities, thus increasing the trust between them and allowing them to establish stronger coalitions on crucial societal topics, especially those related to the inclusion of the non-majority communities;

–  Engaging different audiences with opposite narratives on the same topic will soften the rooted stereotypes about the “other” communities and address the grievances from the past, and will fertilize the ground for trust building.

To see the projects we are implementing or have implemented in the area of DwP/trust-building, see our Reference List.

Citizen participation

NSI is working on increasing non-majority participation in decision making processes for the purpose of getting better services and making institutions more accountable

Source: NSI photo archive

NSI works to achieve this goal on both supply and demand side of the citizen participation: 1) on the demand side, the outcomes of our engagement are the benefits that citizens have by utilizing the mechanisms of citizens’ participation, and 2) the creation of low profile community spaces which will support resonant voices; 3) on the supply side, the outcomes of our activities will be established and improved participation mechanisms in the institutions (in mostly Kosovo Serb majority municipalities).

Key Assumptions:

–    The increased demand for the better services will boost the efficiency of the institutions and increase their accountability;

–    Resonant voices are reluctant to speak out because of the non-pluralistic nature of the political arena of the Kosovo Serb community, but their participation in closed group discussions will encourage them to speak up in the future and preserve social capital required for any collective action;

–   Kosovo Serb majority municipalities will be open for cooperation on non-controversial issues, and will accept the citizen participation mechanisms.

To see the projects we are implementing or have implemented in the area of Citizen Participation, see our Reference List.

Citizen participation

NSI is working on increasing non-majority participation in decision making processes for the purpose of getting better services and making institutions more accountable

Source: NSI photo archive

NSI works to achieve this goal on both supply and demand side of the citizen participation: 1) on the demand side, the outcomes of our engagement are the benefits that citizens have by utilizing the mechanisms of citizens’ participation, and 2) the creation of low profile community spaces which will support resonant voices; 3) on the supply side, the outcomes of our activities will be established and improved participation mechanisms in the institutions (in mostly Kosovo Serb majority municipalities).

Key Assumptions:

–    The increased demand for the better services will boost the efficiency of the institutions and increase their accountability;

–    Resonant voices are reluctant to speak out because of the non-pluralistic nature of the political arena of the Kosovo Serb community, but their participation in closed group discussions will encourage them to speak up in the future and preserve social capital required for any collective action;

–   Kosovo Serb majority municipalities will be open for cooperation on non-controversial issues, and will accept the citizen participation mechanisms.

To see the projects we are implementing or have implemented in the area of Citizen Participation, see our Reference List.

More than a year has passed since the Government of Kosovo started the action of permanently deploying special units of the Kosovo Police in Serb-majority municipalities in the North. While for the Prime Minister Albin Kurti this decision represented a step towards establishing law and order in this region, for the local Serb population the presence of these units will become a source of fear and insecurity. The unprofessional behavior of the members of these formations, but also the fact that the nature of their presence is illegal, caused this to be one of the key reasons for Serbs from the North to resign from all the local Kosovo institutions in which they had been integrated until then. After this, and under the pretext of the departure of Serbs from the Kosovo Police, the presence of these units increased further, and together with that, the number of incidents between them and the local Serb population aslo increased. The situation culminated after the extraordinary local elections, which were boycotted by Serb representatives and in which ethnic Albanians were elected mayors in Serb-majority municipalities. In order to allow the newly elected mayors access to the municipal buildings, against which the Serbs protested, the members of the special units entered into conflict with the Serbs from the North for the first time, after more than 10 years. Since then, the crisis has deepened even more, relations are at a record low level, and a solution to the problem is not in sight. How did it even come to this? What impact did the decision to deploy special units have on broader socio-political processes? Can we move forward, and how?

This policy paper delves into the intricate role played by internationalized justice mechanisms in the context of Kosovo and their influence on the broader aspects of the rule of law and public trust within the country’s judiciary. The aftermath of the Kosovo conflict in the late 1990s witnessed the establishment of several international actors aimed at addressing critical issues such as impunity, the administration of justice, and the promotion of reconciliation. Prominent among these mechanisms are the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) and lastly Kosovo’s Specialist Chambers (KSC).

his policy paper contributes valuable insights into the intricate dynamics that have evolved within Kosovo’s legal landscape. Furthermore, it sheds ‘light’ on the complex interplay between international interventions, the domestic rule of law, media discourse, and public confidence in the judiciary, offering a comprehensive perspective on the challenges and opportunities faced by Kosovo’s evolving justice system.

More than a decade ago, on March 8, 2011, a historic meeting took place, marking the beginning of a challenging journey towards potential reconciliation and full normalization of relations between the former warring parties, Kosovo and Serbia. The inaugural meeting that initiated the dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia convened with Edita Tahiri representing Kosovo’s delegation, Borko Stefanovic representing Serbia’s delegation, and Robert Cooper from the EU.

This meeting signaled potential commitment to work together to alleviate the burdens of the past and pave the way for a peaceful future with good neighborly relations. The Kosovo-Serbia Dialogue has been facilitated by the European Union (EU) with the aim to address the complex relationship between Kosovo and Serbia – taking place under the premise of eventual EU integration for both countries. While dialogue is broadly acknowledged as the primary process for resolving the Kosovo-Serbia dispute, the process itself has been subject to extensive criticism. These criticisms include concerns over the lack of tangible progress, imbalances in negotiating power, issues related to transparency, recurring impasses, the perceived ineffectiveness of mediation efforts, and the limited participation of grassroots voices. Notably, the absence of an inclusive approach that adequately

The dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia began in March 2011 when Kosovo’s Chief Negotiator Edita Tahiri and the then-leader of the Serbian delegation Borko Stefanovic sat down for the first time at an EU-facilitated meeting. This initial stage of the dialogue or the technical dialogue focused on practical issues affecting people’s lives such as freedom of movement, civil registry, and customs. With the signing of the First Agreement of Principles Governing the Normalisation of Relations in April 2013 or the ‘Brussels Agreement’, the nature of the dialogue shifted to include more substantial topics, including energy, telecommunications, and the establishment of an Association/Community of Serb-majority municipalities in Kosovo (ASM/CSM). This agreement also included issues of integration of Justice, Police and Civil Protection-Serb parallel structures (in northern municipalities) into the system of Kosovo and the holding of Local Elections in the four northern municipalities (Leposavić/Leposaviq, Zubin Potok, North Mitrovicë/a and Zvečan/ Zveçan) under the jurisdiction of Kosovo. Between 2016 and 2018, dialogue efforts focused on addressing the challenges in the implementation of agreements reached in the previous stages, especially regarding the establishment of the (ASM/CSM) which raised political and constitutional issues within Kosovo. From 2019 to 2020, with new political leadership in both Kosovo and Serbia, the dialogue witnessed a recalibration. Discussions focused on economic normalization, with talks about direct flights, rail links, and other economic cooperation, culminating with the signing of the ’Washington Agreement’ facilitated by the United States. In the more recent years, the dialogue has addressed the painful issue of missing persons from the conflicts in the 1990s, aiming to provide closure to affected families.

This policy paper addresses the language barrier between Albanian and Serbian communities in Kosovo, which hinders effective communication, understanding as well as social cohesion and interaction. Efforts have been made to promote bilingualism in Kosovo through the “Law on the Use of Language” that made both languages official. However, its implementation faces challenges, and the Office of the Language Commissioner lacks sufficient power and competencies to enforce the law effectively. Albanian and Serbian language belong to different language families, which further complicates the problem. While other ethnic groups can serve as key players in promoting bilingualism, Serbian and Albanian communities face pressures and obstacles regarding language learning, because of wider political context and lack of reconciliation.

Potential solutions to address the language barrier include providing economic incentive for bilingual individuals in government and public institutions, promoting cultural exchanges on university level to encourage language learning, and better promoting of multiculturalism and multilingualism in the public sphere. Additionally, organizing summer schools or camps for children, teenagers and young adults to interact and learn each other’s languages could foster understanding. Ultimately, fostering bilingualism and better language proficiency and understanding can lead to improved social cohesion, better communication, and reduced tensions between communities.

The Serbia-Kosovo conflict represents one of the most intractable and complex geopolitical issues in the Balkans. Rooted in historical grievances, ethnic tensions, and territorial disputes, this protracted conflict has seen numerous attempts at resolution, including international mediation efforts. However, the role of media in shaping public opinion and influencing the political discourse in both Serbia and Kosovo has often been overlooked but is of paramount importance in understanding the dynamics of this conflict.

Media, as a powerful tool of information dissemination, plays a crucial role in constructing narratives and influencing public perception. In the context of the Serbia-Kosovo conflict, media framing can significantly impact how people in each country perceive the “other,” the negotiation process, and the prospects for peace. Different media outlets may employ diverse framing techniques, ranging from responsible reporting to sensationalism and biased representation, which can either contribute to constructive dialogue or exacerbate hostilities between the two nations.

This policy paper aims to delve into the intricacies of media framing in the context of the Serbia-Kosovo conflict, focusing on the media discourse in the Serbian and Kosovo media. By identifying and analyzing four key thematic areas, 1. Exacerbation of Tensions, 2. Weakening Confidence in the Normalization Dialogue, 3. Balancing and Inclusion of Viewpoints, and 4. Portrayal of the EU and Negotiators, this study seeks to shed light on how media framing contributes to shaping public opinion and influencing the political landscape in both countries.

The Declaration of Missing Persons, adopted within the framework of the Brussels Dialogue, represents a significant step towards addressing the long-standing issue of missing persons in the post-conflict societies of Kosovo and Serbia. However, the implementation of this declaration holds several challenges that must be justly addressed to ensure the overall success of the legal implementation of the document. This policy paper examines the key challenges that hinder the performance of the Declaration of Missing Persons and provides recommendations to overcome these obstacles, by presenting diverse narratives from each party included in the Brussels Dialogue process and those highly familiar with it.

The paper begins by providing an overview of the Brussels Dialogue and the importance of the Declaration of Missing Persons in facilitating the process of accounting for missing persons in Kosovan and Serbian areas of the 98-99’ conflict. It highlights the fundamental principles enshrined in the declaration, including the main principles of transitional justice, which serve as the guiding framework for its implementation.

This policy paper aims to outline a comprehensive approach towards achieving the full implementation of the ‘Implementation Annex to the Agreement on the Path to Normalisation of Relations between Kosovo and Serbia’. The paper analyzes the current challenges and provides strategic recommendations to address them effectively. It emphasizes the importance of sustained political will, regional cooperation, and international support as key factors for successful implementation. By promoting dialogue, fostering trust, and ensuring compliance, this paper seeks to contribute to permanent settlement of relations between Serbia and Kosovo.

This policy brief explores the role that youth organizations can play in fostering much-needed cooperation between the youth of Kosovo and the youth of Serbia – as critical, albeit underutilized actors, in building bridges towards reconciliation. The two countries share a history of conflict and tension, with inter-ethnic relations being still fragile, despite marked progress. Acknowledging the remarkable potential of youth as the driving force behind transformative change, this brief presents a comprehensive approach to empowering youth organizations to become initiators of peace, understanding, trust-building – and ultimately reconciliation between the formerly warring countries. Through meaningful and constructive engagement, this brief describes how these organizations can create a solid foundation for a more peaceful and prosperous future in the Western Balkans. This policy brief also highlights the need to empower youth organizations in Kosovo and Serbia, recognizing their potential to serve as catalysts for reconciliation and cooperation. Ultimately, this brief advocate to provide youth organizations with tangible support, including financial resources, capacity building programs and technical assistance. By strengthening youth skills in conflict resolution, peace building, intercultural communication and leadership, youth organizations in Kosovo and in Serbia can effectively engage their communities while initiating constructive dialogue and paving the way towards peaceful co-exitance.